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Tunisia Country Profile Background
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Tunisian women walk by electoral posters for incumbent Tunisian President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, in the Medina of Tunis, Oct. 23, 2004. Running for a fourth term, there was little doubt that President Ben Ali would win the presidential and parliamentary elections or that the ruling party, the Constitutional Democratic Rally, would win its overwhelming majority. (AP Photo/Francois Mori) | Tunisia has made important gains since emerging from French colonial rule. Beginning with the first president of the republic, the Tunisian government has invested substantial resources in its primary and secondary educational system. Among those age 15-24, the literacy rate is 94 percent, rivaling that of developed nations. In the Maghreb region, Tunisia is known for the high quality of its schools, and the system has produced a substantial and well-educated middle class. The Tunisian economy is stable, and the current government has worked closely with the World Bank and International Monetary Fund to implement their economic liberalization plans, under which the economy has grown around 5 percent each year, though the liberalization policies have had less success in creation of jobs. Progress in areas other than education and economic growth, however, has been slow. National laws guaranteeing fundamental freedoms and other rights exist on paper but provide little meaningful protection for citizens. This disconnect between the laws and government practice is described by a prominent Tunisian activist as a model of fake democracy, which could be seen as worse than another country equally authoritarian with fewer guarantees of rights, simply because the democratic challenges that remain for Tunisia are less obvious to those outside the country. U.S. and International Policy/Other Concerns
It is clear the Tunisian government's democratic shortcomings are not apparent to, or are willingly overlooked, by many Western nations. In the complex and ambiguous relationship that France has with its former colonies, the French government has been very supportive of President Ben Ali and has understated the extent and seriousness of human rights violations under his presidency, although some European Union member states have issued condemnations that have brought about an easing of repressive measures at times. In addition, EU members have sent fact-finding delegations to meet with Tunisian human rights defenders, political prisoners, and their families. Overall, however, the EU appears to have prioritized economic considerations over democratic progress and human rights violations in Tunisia. The EU signed an Association Agreement with Tunisia in 1998, formalizing cooperation on a number of issues relating to economics, trade, and culture. Though more repressive than many countries in the region, Tunisia was the first Mediterranean country to sign this agreement and receives a substantial share of EU loans and grants under this program because of its high absorption capacity allowing it to put the funds to good use.
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Ruins of the Punic District are seen in the ancient city of Carthage, Tunisia, nine miles north of the capital of Tunis in this recent but undated photo. Located on an easily defendable penninsula overlooking the Gulf of Tunis, ancient Carthage prospered, perhaps becoming the richest city in the world. But Carthage's supremacy attracted the wrath of its rivals, and Rome destroyed the city in 146 A.D. after more than a century of off-and-on warfare. (AP Photo/Hassene Dridi) | Though the United States has contributed to Tunisia's economic development, economic ties between the two countries are less extensive. Tunisia and the United States are traditional political and military allies; the most recent strategic partnership is in the U.S.-led "war on terror." Tunisia is considered a strong supporter of the United States in its goal to pursue controversial national security policies. No doubt emboldened by international trends of derogations of civil liberties in the name of preventing terrorism, in late 2003, despite having ratified all international human rights treaties, Tunisia passed its own version of the U.S.A. Patriot Act, the Law in Support of International Efforts to Fight Terrorism and the Repression of Money Laundering. Peaceful assembly and other forms of democratic political dissent can be deemed as terrorism under this law. However, such targeting of democratic activism and expression was carried out by the Tunisian government long before 2003: "For 16 years [since President Ben Ali came to power in 1987], during the fight against terrorism, which has never really existed in our country, our government has limited freedom. We are persecuted because the government considers us [human rights defenders] to be accomplices to terrorists." Omar Mestiri, secretary-general for the National Council for Freedom in Tunisia (CNLT), November 2003. The United States closely monitors human rights conditions in Tunisia and sometimes sends trial observers to monitor judicial proceedings. The U.S. Department of State's annual country reports on human rights practices reference serious human rights abuses by the Ben Ali government and his party, the Constitutional Democratic Assembly. Under President George W. Bush, the United States has publicly encouraged Tunisia to improve its human rights record while at the same time, designating Tunis as regional headquarters for the administration's Middle East Partnership Initiative. An appeal by U.S. officials in 2002 on behalf of newspaper editor and political prisoner Hamma Hammami is believed to have contributed to his eventual release from prison. Other governments and international human rights organizations joined Tunisian groups in pressing for his release. The Tunisian government has responded to similar pressures by periodically releasing, and occasionally pardoning, small groups of political prisoners, though oftentimes those released are nearing the end of their sentences. This occurred most recently on July 25, 2007, when 21 Islamist political prisoners were released, along with human rights attorney Mohamed Abbou, founder of two unregistered human rights organizations. In March 2007, the U.S. government issued a statement calling for his release. Abbou was convicted in 2005 on charges of "insulting the judiciary" and posting material on the Internet "likely to disturb the public order." His articles on torture drew parallels between the Abu Ghraib Prison in Iraq and treatment of detainees in Tunisian prisons. In a recent interview, he explains why he refused the offer to admit guilt and issue an apology in exchange for his release: "The Tunisian Constitution and international human rights law guarantee the right to criticize the government, as long as there are human rights abuses and corruption." International Freedom of Expression Exchange, Press Release July 24, 2007 His release was an important but modest success; it is estimated there are several hundred political prisoners currently in jail. Tunisian groups are working fearlessly to secure their release, and the international community has a role to play in providing external pressure on the Ben Ali regime and other repressive governments. "The question I pose is this: 'Why do the government and international community arrive at precise rules when it has to do with business and financial transactions but not human rights? And why do a lack of efficiency and lack of power surface when it comes to human rights?' I would like you to answer these questions. I don't think any mechanism can work if there are not sanctions the same sanctions in effect everywhere when there are violations." Omar Mestiri, CNLT Current Human Rights Conditions
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Tunisian men and woman parade with camels during the reenactment of a Bedouin traditional wedding at the 36th Sahara Festival of Douz, southern Tunisia, Dec. 28, 2005. The festival is a showcase of cultural heritage and traditions, including dance, poetry and crafts. (AP Photo/Hassene Dridi) | "In Tunisia, we have a country that has the reputation of a democracy, but we're totally strangled." Sihem Bensedrine, spokesperson for CNLT Human rights defenders, political parties, and civil society groups are targeted under the government. The working environment for human rights defenders is one of the most dangerous of any country. Human rights defenders are beaten in public, followed and put under surveillance by plain-clothes police, prevented from entering homes and businesses, and are subject to confiscation of passports to prevent travel. One of the main consequences of this situation is that most, if not all, Tunisian human rights defenders have been assaulted, jailed, murdered; have fled the country; or have given up and abandoned their efforts. Thus President Ben Ali has partially succeeded in eliminating dissent, however peaceful, to his rule. One of the oldest, and few, human rights groups legally recognized by the government has been infiltrated by pro-government supporters who have disrupted activities through cumbersome legal challenges of organizational operating procedures. Under bothTunisian administrations, those calling for political reforms consistent with the religious teachings of Islam have been imprisoned and tortured. President Ben Ali sees Islamist parties as a political threat. Politically motivated nighttime raids are conducted by security forces to detain and question members of the banned al-Nahda party and similar groups and their family members. In language that is comfortable to many Western governments, the Ben Ali government labels all members of Islamist political movements as religious fundamentalists with possible links to al-Qaida. The threat of Islamic extremism is used as a pretext to repress all political opposition, secular and religious. In contrast to Turkey, a nation that Tunisia has used as a model for its own development and modernization, where Islamist parties are not excluded from the political process, the Tunisian government has prevented Islamist groups from obtaining legal status and contesting elections. Compared to other parts of the world, women enjoy a high level of freedom and gender equality in Tunisia. The penal code prohibits discrimination against women. Education levels are comparable to their male counterparts, and women participate in all levels of government. However, women are prohibited from wearing head scarves, or hijab, in public universities and government buildings. Some women find they are forced to choose between educational advancement and adherence to their religious practices. Freedom of Speech/Press Radio and television stations in Tunisia are state-run. As a result, disagreement with government policies or conduct is not expressed in mainstream news, but rather unofficial publications that are banned by the government. The editor of one independent journal, Kalima, has tried unsuccessfully since 1999 to register her weekly newspaper with the Ministry of Interior. The newspaper is hosted on a Web site outside of the country and considered an illegal publication. Internet cafes are heavily censored. Independent news and dissident Web sites are blocked. Restrictions on access to online material are understood to be more extreme than any other government in the Middle East. Plain-clothes police officers monitor activity in the cafes, and Internet users have been sent to jail for downloading certain files. Personal e-mails are intercepted and never reach recipients. In such an environment, self-censorship becomes the only viable choice for the majority of journalists. This can be viewed alongside the recent experience of Western media in regard to its coverage during the period leading to the invasion of Iraq. The New York Times and other major media have faced serious criticism for failing to carry out their journalistic role as watchdogs of government, the traditional role of a free media. Where the free media in the West may have done this by choice, in Tunisia, self-censorship is self-preservation. Freedom of Association Since June 2007, between 30-60 plain-clothes police officers have surrounded the office of the Kalima publication. Staff and visitors have been prevented from entering the building. Such tactics are used to intimidate civil society groups from gathering. They are frequently charged for "holding unauthorized meetings" because their organizations have been unable to obtain legal registration, despite their attempts to do so. Torture "Torture occurs in the very rooms where the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is hanging on the wall. Any tortured person can attest to that," says Mr. Mestiri. Use of torture by police and security forces is widespread in the country and frequently used to extract confessions. There is unanimous recognition of this particularly disturbing and systematic use of torture by international human rights organizations, governments, and the U.N. Committee Against Torture. When presented with detailed accounts of torture, Tunisian courts have refused to allow medical examinations of defendants. This further demonstrates the "strangulation" that Tunisian citizens experience, because victims of torture and other violations cannot look to the courts for legal redress from government. In an ironic twist in the eyes of Tunisian human rights activists, their government was elected in May to serve on the U.N. Human Rights Council. For many years, Tunisia has declined to honor requests for a visit by U.N. Special Rapporteurs on Promotion and Protection of the Right to Freedom of Opinion and Expression and Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment of Punishment and by the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Human Rights Defenders. Tunisia's participation in the human rights arm of the United Nations presents an opportunity for the government to reconsider its response to such requests. Tunisian NGOs and publications:Google map of Tunisian prisons Kalima journal Tunisie Reveille-Toi Tunisian League for Human Rights (LTDH) Observatory for the Freedom of the Press, Publishing and Creation in Tunisia (OLPEC) National Council for Civil Liberties in Tunisia (CNLT) Tunisian Journalists Syndicate (SJT) Association for the Fight Against Torture (ALTT) International Association for the Support of Political Prisoners (AISPPT) Tunisian Center of the Independence of Justice (CTIJ) Association of Tunisian Judges (AMT) Tunisian Association of Democratic Women (ATFD) International organizations:La Fédération internationale des ligues des droits de l'Homme (FIDH) World Organization Against Torture (OMCT) International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) International Freedom of Expression eXchange (IFEX) Front Line Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Tunisia Homepage News website and blogs: http://www.tunisnews.net/ http://www.tunezine.com/ http://tunisiawatch.rsfblog.org/ UPDATED AUGUST 2007
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